Bangladeshi and Pakistani women in good work

• In 2022, 48.1 per cent of Bangladeshi and Pakistani women in London were economically inactive, compared to 15.3 per cent of men from the same backgrounds. They had higher rates of economic activity than other racially minoritised women.
• The unemployment rate for Bangladeshi and Pakistani women in London was 16.9 per cent – significantly higher than the 5.5 per cent for men.
• Pakistani women in London face a 60 per cent gender pay gap, and Bangladeshi women face a 50 per cent gap, the highest among all ethnic groups.

These disparities are often attributed to religious values and gender or cultural norms. However, this framing reinforces harmful stereotypes of Bangladeshi and Pakistani women, devalues their aspirations, and overlooks structural workplace inequalities.

This participatory research, co-produced by seven community researchers, centred Bangladeshi and Pakistani women’s voices to inform culturally relevant policy. Data collection and analysis included:

• a literature review and descriptive data analysis of Pakistani and Bangladeshi women’s employment
• interviews with 32 Bangladeshi and Pakistani women and four employers
• a policy workshop with policymakers, employers, and voluntary and community sector (VCS) representatives.

Bangladeshi and Pakistani women face intersecting barriers to good work, including racism, religious and gender discrimination, and limited workplace flexibility. While cultural norms influence their employment experiences, their impact should not be overstated.

This report underscores the urgent need for structural change to improve the employment outcomes of Bangladeshi and Pakistani women in London. While cultural factors do play a role, the dominant barriers are systemic – including racism, lack of access to resources, and exclusionary workplace practices. By centring the lived experiences of these women and implementing the recommendations outlined, employers and policymakers can foster a more inclusive and equitable labour market.

One of the Mayor of London’s key priorities is to create more than 150,000 jobs by 2028, with a focus on inclusive economic growth that supports underrepresented groups into “good work” – fairly paid, secure employment with progression opportunities (GLA, 2018Reference:1 and 2024).Reference:2 Workplace inclusion can drive economic progress and help to ensure that its benefits are shared across society.

Pakistani and Bangladeshi women are among the most underrepresented in London’s workforce, with employment rates significantly lower than their White counterparts. In 2022, the employment rate for Pakistani and Bangladeshi women was 33 points lower than that of White women in London (ONS, 2024).Reference:3 Mainstream narratives often attribute this to cultural and religious norms, overlooking workplace inequalities and reinforcing harmful stereotypes (Bi, 2020Reference:4; Hussein, 2023).Reference:5

In 2024, WIN commissioned the National Institute of Economic and Social Research (NIESR) to explore the career aspirations of Bangladeshi and Pakistani women in London. This study aimed to: identify the key barriers and opportunities they face to pursue and advance in good work; recommend policies and practices to improve their access to, and progression in, the labour market; and contribute to a new narrative that challenges stereotypes and recognises the agency of Bangladeshi and Pakistani women.

‘Bangladeshi and Pakistani women’ make up a diverse and heterogeneous group, including first-generation migrants, UK-born second-generation women and their children. They may hold multiple nationalities and differ significantly in migration background, legal status (e.g., refugee, student, work or spouse visa, or indefinite leave to remain), and length of residence – all of which influence their employment opportunities.

Across generations, Bangladeshi and Pakistani women vary in class, education, religious practice, language skills, marital and parental status, and identity. These intersecting factors are often more influential than ethnicity or nationality alone in shaping their experiences, including their labour market outcomes (Werbner, 2005).Reference:6

Bangladeshi and Pakistani communities form a key part of London’s superdiverse landscape, with complex diversity across nationalities, ethnicity, legal status, socioeconomic background, culture, and lifestyle. Of England and Wales’ overall Bangladeshi population, 49.9 per cent live in London, compared to 18.3 per cent of the Pakistani population (UK government, 2022).Reference:7 The Bangladeshi community is concentrated in East London, whereas the Pakistani community is spread out over a range of boroughs with key communities in Redbridge and Waltham Forest (Brazzill, 2023).

South Asian migration to London dates back to the 17th century, long before the formation of Pakistan in 1947 and Bangladesh in 1971. Despite growing immigration restrictions since the 1960s, family reunification policies helped to establish settled Bangladeshi and Pakistani communities. From the 2000s, migration patterns diversified due to stricter immigration laws and the introduction of the ‘hostile environment’ policy, which limited access to services such as housing and healthcare for undocumented migrants (Qureshi et al., 2020Reference:8; Gentleman, 2023).Reference:9 Family reunification has continued, although spousal visa minimum income thresholds rose sharply from £18,600 in 2012 (Kofman, 2018)Reference:10 to £38,700 in 2023 (Jorgensen, 2024).Reference:11 Student and skilled migration from Pakistan and Bangladesh have also increased, reshaping community profiles.

Recent national policy developments have shifted the wider employment landscape. The 2024 Get Britain Working white paper aims to reduce economic inactivity through reforms to Jobcentre Plus; improved support for health-related barriers; expanded childcare access; and targeted investment in young people, disabled individuals, and local communities.Reference:12

The 2024 Make Work Pay initiative proposes reforms to employment law – including stronger protections against sexual harassment, and expanded equal pay rights for racially minoritised and disabled workers.Reference:13 The government is also consulting on mandatory ethnicity and disability pay gap reporting for large employers.

On 12 May 2025, the UK government published the white paper Restoring Control over the Immigration System.Reference:14 This paper focused on proposing reforms to regular migration routes; further reforms to the asylum system and border security are expected later in 2025. Key proposals include doubling the standard settlement period in points-based system routes to ten years; reducing graduate visas to 18 months; and increasing the immigration skills charge by 32 per cent. A new “temporary shortage” occupation list will be used for roles below “skilled graduate roles”, and the social care visa route will be closed. English-language requirement levels would also be raised for visa applicants (House of Commons Library, 2025).Reference:15 These proposals are likely to impact and cause uncertainty for many migrant communities, including Bangladeshi and Pakistani migrant women. It will also impact London businesses, particularly in the care sector, who may face worker shortages and higher fees to sponsor foreign workers.

Bangladeshi and Pakistani women, especially second-generation, have experienced high levels of educational mobility (Luthra and Platt, 2017).Reference:16 In 2019, Pakistani students were 19 percentage points more likely to pursue higher education than White British students; Bangladeshi students were 27 percentage points more likely (Rasul and Mirza, 2019).Reference:17 An increasing number of Pakistani and Bangladeshi migrants have been arriving in the UK as students (Niaz and Nazir, 2018).Reference:18 Recent Bangladeshi and Pakistani migrants also have higher levels of education due to immigration policies that prioritise highly skilled workers (Mahbub, 2014Reference:19 and 2021).Reference:20 However, these educational gains are not translating into quality employment.

Of all racially minoritised groups, Pakistani and Bangladeshi women are among the most underrepresented in London’s workplaces, despite their rising educational attainment:  

• In 2022 in London, economic inactivity rates were higher for Bangladeshi and Pakistani women (48.1 per cent) compared to men of the same background (15.3 per cent) (Figure 1). Bangladeshi and Pakistani women had higher rates of economic inactivity compared to other Black and racially minoritised women (Indian 25.7 per cent, Black 26.3 per cent, Asian 32.4 per cent) and White British women (22.6 per cent) (UK government, 2023).Reference:21

• In 2022, the combined Bangladeshi and Pakistani ethnic group had the highest unemployment rate in Great Britain (8.5 per cent), with women from this group experiencing the highest unemployment rate among all women (10.7 per cent) . The evidence shows there is a distinct challenge for London, as unemployment for Pakistani and Bangladeshi women was even higher – at a staggering 16.9 per cent, compared to 5.5 per cent for men of the same background (Figure 2).

• From 1992 to 2020, Pakistani and Bangladeshi mothers had the lowest employment rates compared to mothers from all other ethnic groups in the UK, with a substantial employment gap that is most pronounced when compared to White British mothers (Rose et al., 2023).Reference:22
• Pakistani and Bangladeshi mothers also have the highest levels of family caregiving responsibilities compared to all other racially minoritised groups in London (UKHLS, 2022).
• In 2023, female employees in London earned, on average, 14 per cent less than men (GLA Intelligence, 2024a)Reference:23; the ethnicity pay gap across genders in London was 22.5 per cent (GLA Intelligence, 2024b).Reference:24
• Pakistani women in London face the largest gender pay gap – approximately 60 per cent, while Bangladeshi women experience a gap of around 50 per cent. Both groups face significant ethnicity pay gaps, with Pakistani and Bangladeshi women having the largest disparities compared to White British women in London, a trend also observed across the rest of the UK (UKHLS, 2022).
• Bangladeshi and Pakistani women in London seem to be employed in female-dominated sectors such as healthcare, education, public administration, and the charity sector (Bi, 2020).Reference:25 However, they face barriers entering and progressing in fields like journalism, law, and the creative industries. A 2020 survey of 443 Muslim women, many of whom were Bangladeshi or Pakistani and based in London, revealed a mismatch between their current employment and their earlier career aspirations, particularly in sectors like media, medicine, and law (Bi, 2020).Reference:26

Mainstream policy discourse and research on Pakistani and Bangladeshi women’s low levels of employment have often focussed on factors beyond the workplace. These include language barriers, poverty, health issues, caring responsibilities and gender or religious values and norms perceived to be prevalent within these communities, that may discourage women from looking for work (Dale et al, 2002Reference:27; Khan 2020Reference:28; Aston et al., 2007Reference:29; Tariq and Syed, 2018).Reference:30  

In a cultural context marked by islamophobia and anti-immigrant sentiment, this rhetoric can be harmful and devalues the human capital, skillsets, and educational qualifications of Pakistani and Bangladeshi women. It also reinforces gendered and racialised stereotypes, such as the construction of Muslim women as lacking agency and promotes essentialist understandings of Pakistani and Bangladeshi communities in the UK. As a result, this narrative overshadows the inequalities within the workplace that keep Pakistani and Bangladeshi women out of secure employment.  

Previous research has found that workplace inequalities continue to limit Bangladeshi and Pakistani women’s access to secure, fulfilling employment. Discrimination during recruitment is common, including bias against Muslim sounding names hijabs and marital status (Adesina and Marocico, 2017Reference:31; Amer, 2014Reference:32; Women and Equalities Committee, 2015). Many Bangladeshi and Pakistani mothers face barriers when returning to work, often forced into roles below their qualifications due to inflexible working conditions (Rose et al., 2023). Stereotypes portraying Muslim and South Asian women as less capable and dress codes that conflict with religious practices can prevent career progression, or lead to exclusion. Career progression is also hindered by limited confidence, guidance, and networking opportunities, especially in settings involving alcohol or after-hours socialising, which many women avoid for cultural or caregiving reasons. 

This section presents a summary of the methodology adopted, with the full methodology available in Appendix B. This research was participatory in nature. This approach promotes research as a meaningful experience for the women and communities involved, ensuring research addresses questions that are socially salient and culturally relevant (Mata-Codesal et al., 2020)Reference:33. This project aimed to place the voices and lived experiences of Bangladeshi and Pakistani women at the centre of policymaking. 

Seven community researchers with lived experience of the challenges and opportunities faced by Bangladeshi and Pakistani women in London co-designed this study, and contributed to data collection and analysis. Their insights are central to this research and their reflections are highlighted throughout the report. A diverse advisory board – made up of representatives from the VCS, academics, policymakers, and practitioners – provided strategic advice, facilitated community outreach, and strengthened the research’s impact and engagement. This project draws from the following qualitative methods: 

• a literature review and descriptive analysis of Pakistani and Bangladeshi women in the UK and London. 
• interviews with 32 Bangladeshi and Pakistani women and four employers. 
• one policy workshop with policy makers, employers, and VCS representatives 
• fieldnotes from meetings, workshops, and conversations with community researchers, and with the advisory board for this project.  

Pakistani and Bangladeshi women in London face intersecting disadvantages that limit their access to the social networks, and financial resources, that often facilitate entry and progression in good work. Many of the Pakistani and Bangladeshi women interviewedReference:34 identified their own or their family’s experiences of migration, coupled with socioeconomic disadvantage, as a key barrier to their job prospects.

Many of the second-generation women interviewed – particularly those seeking to enter legal, cultural and creative industries – highlighted a couple of key barriers: limited access to professional social networks; and a lack of financial resources to afford postgraduate qualifications or unpaid work experience. They related this to their ethnicity and class background:

The issue of financial backing was particularly pronounced for those women seeking to enter the legal profession. Because some women had to self-fund their qualifications and unpaid work experience, their training took much longer than their wealthier peers, delaying their careers or causing significant financial hardship:

Some of the women raised concerns that unpaid work can worsen existing inequalities, or leave workers vulnerable to exploitation. However, several women interviewed who were currently working in voluntary positions (including work experience, internships or volunteering in the community), or who had previously done so, also saw these unpaid experiences as a crucial part of their professional development. This said this allowed them to build the skills and experience necessary to complete qualifications or to obtain paid work in the sectors they were interested in.

Pakistani and Bangladeshi women often have limited access to high-quality information, advice and mentorship about work. Many of the Pakistani and Bangladeshi women interviewed lacked information and support around career options and how to access these. The women in this study also identified barriers relating to a lack of role models and mentors. These findings suggest that this lack of support and mentorship can be for a range of reasons – including having family members who do not work, or who have only ever worked in certain sectors; and a lack of knowledge about sectors and career paths within their wider communities, particularly those that have been traditionally dominated by White elites.

Women reported mixed experiences of receiving information, advice and guidance in educational settings including school, college, and university. However, many women highlighted negative experiences of Jobcentre Plus, reporting a lack of personal and bespoke support in helping them to build specific skills and pursue specific jobs, as well as a lack of attention to broader issues, such as confidence and mental well-being.

Women who have migrated to London from Pakistan and Bangladesh as adults face a range of additional barriers – particularly around language, translating and gaining new skills and qualifications. This study highlights a range of challenges faced by migrant women. These vary considerably depending on women’s educational and socioeconomic backgrounds, and their migration trajectories.

Some women raised concerns about constraints on gaining work or pursuing progression opportunities due to visa restrictions and/or uncertainties about their future visa status – particularly when visas are tied to employers’ sponsorship. For some women, their visa status limits their access to public funds, student finance or state funded childcare, all identified as barriers to accessing work.

Language difficulties are a key barrier to finding work – recent migrants may still be learning English or lack confidence in their English-language skills. Others may be fluent, but feel less confident using the English language in professional contexts or experience discrimination because of their accents and manner of speaking.

Women expressed limited ability to translate qualifications and work experience from home countries, particularly when looking for work in the education sector. The high cost and/or time-commitment required to complete new qualifications, and a lack of knowledge about the local job market were also identified as challenges to accessing work.

Some women lacked digital skills or did not feel confident in the skills they have – particularly those required to navigate the London job market, which relies heavily on online applications. Women also highlighted a lack of understanding on how to apply for jobs or what they could be qualified for:

Pakistani and Bangladeshi women greatly value workplaces that are ethnically diverse, and that respect and accommodate their religious practices. The findings suggest that many Pakistani and Bangladeshi women experience a greater sense of safety and belonging, as well as increased confidence in their own progression prospects, in ethnically diverse workplaces.  

The women in this study also underscored the importance of employers prioritising religious accommodations, such as inclusive dress codes; providing halal food; permitting breaks during work for prayer; and access to an appropriate space for prayer and washing facilities. Others highlighted positive practices including allowing staff to take time off during religious festivals, such as Eid, and flexible working hours during Ramadan.

The Pakistani and Bangladeshi women interviewed greatly valued workplaces that offer diversity with respect to socialising and networking events that are not centred on alcohol. This is because workplace drinking cultures are exclusionary for many Pakistani and Bangladeshi women. These findings suggest that workplace socialising that occurs outside of normal working hours, and that involves alcohol, is often experienced as profoundly exclusionary by Pakistani and Bangladeshi women in London. Women in this study emphasised their experiences of feeling socially excluded at work because of these cultures, as well as their concerns that their progression opportunities were negatively impacted by this exclusion.

The employers interviewed did not report on any particular programme, policy or practice they engaged in specifically for Bangladeshi and Pakistani women. However, they highlighted organisational approaches to foster diversity and inclusion, including:

• engaging in outreach programmes to reach out to schools and universities with diverse student bodies
• providing paid internships to diversify the pool of applicants
• allowing for flexible working and making reasonable adjustments
• providing training, and encouraging employers to attend – enhancing skill development and career progression
• establishing employees’ resource groups centred around shared lived experiences, to build community
• establishing inclusive workplace cultures; and promoting networking and career development opportunities that are inclusive.

Interviews and a policy workshop informed key recommendations for employers, local authorities and the GLA, with additional input from GLA officers to develop specific proposals for national government.

This research explores the lived experiences of Bangladeshi and Pakistani women in London’s labour market, revealing the barriers they face, and the opportunities needed for greater inclusion in good work. Too often, cultural factors are overstated as an explanation for economic inactivity, rather than recognising structural issues such as employer bias, discrimination, and the lack of inclusive workplace policies. 

This study challenges these narratives, highlighting how they obscure the skills and aspirations of these women and reinforce their exclusion from meaningful employment. 

A key strength of the research is its participatory approach. Seven community researchers with lived experience shaped this study, ensuring authenticity and amplifying the voices of those most affected. They uncovered recurring themes: discrimination, cultural expectations, limited flexible working, and a lack of career support. Despite this, they also found resilience and ambition. 

By involving community researchers, this study ensured its recommendations were grounded in lived experience, showing how co-production can lead to more inclusive and effective outcomes. 

To create lasting change, local authorities, employers and policymakers must act on these findings. Addressing systemic barriers is essential to building a labour market that reflects the diversity and potential of Bangladeshi and Pakistani women. Their voices must continue to shape policy, ensuring not just inclusion, but the opportunity to thrive.

• Professor Katharine Charsley (University of Bristol)
• Associate Professor Francesco Della Puppa (Università Ca’ Foscari Venezia)
• Associate Professor Humera Iqbal (University College London)
• Professor Eleonore Kofman (Middlesex University)
• Professor Mohammad Morad (Shahjalal University of Science & Technology)
• Yamini Cinamon Nair (Senior Research and Statistical Analyst, City Intelligence, GLA)
• Dr Alex Patrick (Middlesex University)
• Associate Professor Jasber Singh (Coventry University)

• Heena Khaled (Events and Engagement manager, British Future; Co-founder, Advancing Voices of Women Against Islamophobia)
• Atikur Rahman (Centre Manager, Wapping Bangladesh Association)
• Lara Johnstone (Community Engagement Team, GLA)
• Asma Shah (Mayor’s EDI Advisory Group; CEO, You Make It)
• Jeremy Crook (Chief Executive, Action for Race Equality)
• Neelam Rose (Advocacy Officer Muslim Women’s Network UK)
• Dr Suriyah Bi (SOAS)
• Arooba Hameed (Community researcher)
• Hassaan Jamil Anwari (Researcher, Runnymede)

NIESR launched a Community Research Fellowship to involve Bangladeshi and Pakistani women as community researchers, recognising their lived experience and community expertise. This participatory approach, rooted in feminist and decolonial methodologies (Smith, 1999Reference:35; Fine and Torre, 2021), aimed to ensure the research was empowering, and shaped by those most affected. Guided by the Mayor of London’s Good Work Standard, the Fellowship offered:

• fair pay above the London Living Wage
• flexible hours to accommodate personal commitments
• research training, networking, and dissemination opportunities
• ongoing mentoring and career support, including certificates and references.

NIESR used thematic analysis (Braun and Clarke, 2021)Reference:37 across all data sources, including interviews, focus groups, and fieldnotes. NIESR researchers developed a codebook from an initial data sample, which was refined throughout the process. Data was then grouped and analysed for key themes and patterns. 

Ethical approval was granted by the NIESR Research Ethics Committee in June 2024. A Data Protection Impact Assessment was also approved. Informed consent was obtained from all participants, with translated materials and verbal explanations provided where needed. All data was anonymised and handled in line with best practices (Social Research Association, 2021).

• This study is based on a small, non-representative sample. Most migrant women interviewed were on spousal visas and in low-skilled jobs, while second-generation women were often graduates in skilled roles. Differences between groups were hard to isolate due to sample size and complexity. 
• There are limited findings on the impact of health, housing, poverty, precarious work, and self-employment on interviewees due to sample and interview design. 
• Recruitment challenges meant only four employers participated in focus groups, mostly HR professionals already committed to EDI. Notably, three were Muslim women, two of Bangladeshi or Pakistani heritage, offering valuable insights.